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It’s a warm Saturday afternoon, there’s a threat of rain, and the neighbors are being noisy. A hundred protesters are shouting in front of the White House, telling the man who lives there they admire him, they appreciate what he’s done, and now he needs to get out.

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For Biden, the committed Catholic, it would seem a particularly bitter pill, especially now as his team and journalists following him are tracking his fortunes by the day – sometimes by the hour – through an agony of indecision.

“There were so many ups and downs,” 【 - Free Wealth-Building Investment Strategies 】’s MJ Lee says. “And I remember thinking to myself, ‘Am I going to sound like I’m over the top if I go on the air saying Democrats are panicked?’”

Biden does not admit any weakness publicly, but his team is sandbagging against a rising river of that panic, much of it from powerful Democrats questioning whether he is still the right person to take on Trump. Trying to recover from the disastrous debate, Biden sits down with ABC’s George Stephanopoulos and mentions he had a cold. “I was sick,” Biden says. “I was feeling terrible.”

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It is Biden’s most compelling argument. In the grinding, Covid-haunted 2020 race, he was the wise, old warrior who drew suburban voters, women and young people to his side. His long-standing ties to the working class and organized labor helped nudge him across the finish line to a narrow but clear victory. But now, the tightening vise squeezes Biden into the highly unusual position of sending a letter to congressional Democrats. “I want you to know that despite all the speculation in the press and elsewhere,” he writes, “I am firmly committed to staying in this race, to running this race to the end, and to beating Donald Trump.”

He also keeps hammering Trump’s vulnerabilities – the former president’s criminal record, the myriad cases still hovering, the January 6, 2021, riot, the Supreme Court overturning Roe v. Wade – hoping to crack the mogul’s gathering edge in the polls. One potential weakness in particular draws Biden’s attention.

“Project 2025 is the biggest attack on our system of government and our personal freedom that has ever been proposed,” the president bellows during a fired-up rally in Detroit. “It is a project that was built for Trump!”

Launched by the Heritage Foundation, a staunchly conservative DC think tank, Project 2025 is a 900-page plan for action to be set into motion the moment Trump wins reelection. With ideas from hundreds of conservative leaders, it calls for quickly and vastly expanding presidential powers, replacing tens of thousands of government workers with right-wing ideologues, weaponizing the Justice Department to pursue political foes, establishing a nationwide abortion ban, rolling back LGBTQ rights, trashing many environmental regulations, outlawing pornography and much more.

For some conservatives, it is a definitive strategy for draining the swamp. For some Democrats, it is a blueprint for totalitarianism. The explosive document bubbles quietly under the surface of other campaign news for a while, but Biden drags it into the light and, at least on this issue, Trump is on the run.

“I know nothing about Project 2025. I have no idea who is behind it,” the former president says in his ceaseless string of social media posts. “Some of the things they are saying are absolutely ridiculous and abysmal.”

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Biden is also benefiting from other moves Trump cannot easily disown. Just two days after the assassination attempt against the former president in Pennsylvania, on the sleepy first day of the Republican National Convention in battleground Wisconsin, Trump announces his pick for a running mate.

“After lengthy deliberation and thought, and considering the tremendous talents of many others,” Trump writes on Truth Social, “I have decided that the person best suited to assume the position of Vice President of the United States is Senator J.D. Vance of the Great State of Ohio.”

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But if Republicans are ready to forgive and forget Vance’s former positions, Democrats are not. “Vance will do what Mike Pence wouldn’t on January 6,” Biden campaign chair Jen O’Malley Dillon crows, referring to Trump’s former vice president who stood firm against demands he upend the 2020 election process.

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Vance is attacked over his flipflops, his stand against abortion rights, his attitude toward women — and then the cat lady thing happens.

What is the short term outlook for PCBL Chemical Limited (506590) ✌️【Stock Opportunities】✌️ Real-time global stock market trend analysis to help you identify profitable opportunities and improve your investment strategies. Three years earlier, as he was vying for the GOP Senate nomination in Ohio, the future VP candidate served up a nugget for the Fox News audience. He griped that the country was being run by “a bunch of childless cat ladies who are miserable at their own lives and the choices that they’ve made and so they want to make the rest of the country miserable, too.” Then he added, “You look at Kamala Harris, Pete Buttigieg, AOC — the entire future of the Democrats is controlled by people without children. And how does it make any sense that we’ve turned our country over to people who don’t really have a direct stake in it?”

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Public scrutiny of Vance, however, does not take pressure off Biden, and there is little time for laughter at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. Biden’s attempts to quiet the mutiny in his party are crumbling. Calls for him to step out of the race are ricocheting from pundits to major Democratic donors including movie star George Clooney, who had just headlined an event for Biden.

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“What I call Biden’s ‘stubborn Irish’ kicked in,” 【 - Free Wealth-Building Investment Strategies 】’s John King says, parroting the president’s defense. “‘It was just one night. It wasn’t as bad as you think. We can recover.’”

Yet each time Biden has a strong speech, a quick joke or a firm stride, he invariably sputters in his next appearance with misstatements, forgotten names and the shuffling gait of advanced age. Some in the party say the lack of consensus on whether Biden should stay or go is turning into a “doom loop” weakening his bid through sheer uncertainty.

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For days, the RNC has been pure celebration. Speaker after speaker has competed to raise the highest praise for Trump and the worst damnation of Democrats. The official party platform reads less like the dry policy documents of old, and more like a Trump speech packed with grandiose claims and questionable facts. Few in the room betray the slightest doubt that in the final rounds of the election, Trump will fling Biden from the ring like a rag doll.

For Trump, his dominance over Biden in the past three weeks has clearly sweetened everything about this convocation. Teamsters President Sean O’Brien is head of a labor union that had endorsed Hillary Clinton and Biden in past years, but mindful of the rising tide of Trump supporters in his organization, he takes the stage to salute the former president as “one tough SOB.” Trump’s former primary challengers have been bowing before him and disavowing their own criticism from just months before: South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, tech entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy, and the last holdout, former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley. She infuriated the Trump faithful earlier in the year by refusing to quit the race and calling him “toxic.” At the convention, her defiance turns to abject surrender as she says, “Donald Trump has my strong endorsement, period.”

Beaming from his seat in Milwaukee’s Fiserv Forum, Trump takes in the spectacle of the Grand Old Party entirely within his thrall. With a large white bandage over the ear injured in the assassination attempt, he looks happy in the moment and deeply pleased that Hogan is sharing it with him.

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What is the short term outlook for PCBL Chemical Limited (506590) ✌️【Stock Opportunities】✌️ Free real-time stock data analysis to help you capture global market trends and steadily grow your capital. As the crowd cheers Trump to the podium for his centerpiece speech on the RNC’s final night, it is easy to see how those black-and-white paradigms resonate against the gray uncertainty of the times. In the eight years since he won the White House, Trump has forced the Republican Party to embrace his view that anything except complete loyalty is betrayal; anything short of absolute domination is failure; and God-fearing Americans will lose everything they love about their county if he is not putting his feet up on the Resolute Desk again next January.

“Four months from now, we will have an incredible victory and we will begin the four greatest years in the history of our country,” he says, launching into an address that defeated candidates seldom get to make. But tonight, he is no loser. In this hall, the adoring crowd believes he won the last election. They believe they were cheated. They know Biden is on the ropes.

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“Together we will launch a new era of safety, prosperity and freedom for citizens of every race, religion, color and creed,” Trump says. “The discord and division in our society must be healed. … We rise together, or we fall apart. I am running to be president for all America, not half of America.”

For almost 10 minutes he follows the script of unity and reconciliation promised by his campaign in the wake of the assassination attempt, and the folks in the crowd — including dozens wearing their own ear bandages in solidarity — nod along. Then he will ramble off into another hour and 20 minutes of accusations, grievances and falsehoods leaving even stalwarts looking at their watches.

But before he spins into that untethered space, he tells the story no showman could resist. A beautiful afternoon filled with bullets and blood. An audience not running from the mortal threat but standing firm as their leader sank. That leader rising — unbowed.

“Thank you, but I’m not,” Trump says, shaking his head and shifting from wrestler to penitent. “I stand before you in this arena only by the grace of almighty God.”

He and his fans seize the passion. They bask in the pageantry. But even though Trump is casting himself as the martyr, within days it will seem he was playing the prophet.

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