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But since 2021, the social media industry has undergone a dramatic transformation and pivoted from many of the commitments, policies and tools it once embraced to help safeguard the peaceful transfer of democratic power.

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“The last few years have been challenging for the knowledge community working with platforms,” said Baybars Orsek, managing director at the fact-checking organization Logically Facts. “The impact of layoffs, budget cuts in journalism programs, and the crackdown on trust and safety teams at X (formerly Twitter) and other major platforms have set troubling precedents as we approach the upcoming elections.”

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In Elon Musk’s first appearance with Trump on the campaign trail this month, the tech billionairecalled on Republicansto get out the vote, warning of dire consequences if they failed. Musk’s role in reshaping Twitter into X — turning it from the world’s foremost social media platform for real-time news into ahotbed of conspiracy theoriesandmisinformation,in part by axing its trust and safety teams and watering down its content policies, has beenwell-documented.

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Just as beingthe first to removeTrump’s account in 2021 quickly led to YouTube and Facebook owner Meta following suit, Twitterbeing the first to restore Trump’s accountprovided that much more justification forthe other platformstodo the same.

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“If you want serious trust and safety from these companies,” he added, “then either it needs to be demanded the way it is in the European Union, which means actual regulation, or they need to be doing a cost-benefit analysis that says, ‘This is important, not just for democracy but for our own bottom line in the near term,’ because that’s the only thing that has worked.”

Over the past several years, that cost-benefit analysis has increasingly tilted in favor of dismantling the infrastructure that social media companies built in response toRussia’s meddling attemptssurrounding the 2016 US election.

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Last year, X announced it would begin charging steep fees for access to its firehose of posts and other data. The change immediately triggered concerns thattransit agenciesand theNational Weather Servicewould have to stop posting real-time updates that millions depend on. Musk quicklygave those organizations an exemption,but the paywall has affected civil society groups and academics who need large volumes of posts to study how false claims traverse networks.

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X has touted its crowdsourced fact-checking feature, Community Notes, as a solution to counter misinformation, but independent analysts havewidelycriticized the tool asslowand inconsistently applied.

In a similar move, Meta shut down CrowdTangle, a monitoring platform for Facebook and Instagram thatit once promoted to election officialsin all 50 states “to help them quickly identify misinformation, voter interference and suppression.”

CrowdTangle’sdata had shownthat right-wing content performs exceptionally well on Meta’s platforms, contrary to conservative allegations. Though the company said a successor tool would be even better,research published by the Columbia Journalism Reviewfound the replacement had fewer features and was less accessible.

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For years, Republicans have alleged that because companies including Meta and Google are based in liberal strongholds such as California, the platforms must be discriminating against right-wing viewpoints. Social media companies have insisted their technology is politically neutral, a claim their conservative critics have turned against them to devastating effect.

Conservatives have accused platforms of violating their own self-professed neutrality sincebefore the 2016 election.The critique hasprompted conciliatory changes,with somegoing to great lengthstoaccommodateright-wing figures.

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In Texas and Florida, Republican lawmakers passed legislation in 2021 that would restrict the ability of social media companies to moderate their own websites.Officialsfromboth statesexplicitly said the laws were intended to keep social media from unfairly silencing conservatives. Amid a legal challenge by the tech industry, more thana dozen Republican attorneys generalbacked the Texas and Florida laws.

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Both initiatives sought to keep platforms from enforcing their terms of service, on the grounds that the companies were violating Americans’ free-speech rights. But they eventually ran into a major hurdle in the courts: The First Amendment binds the government, not private businesses.

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“The Supreme Court said that the social media platforms have, sort of, First Amendment rights as speakers, and so they have the right to censor,” said Jenin Younes, an attorney with the conservative-leaning New Civil Liberties Alliance. “So, the Texas and Florida laws prohibiting censorship were likely to be struck down.”

But Younes said that even without government efforts to moderate some online content, she sees any content removals by the platforms as detrimental given the conflicting views on what might amount to election misinformation.

“I tend to err on the side of: Instead of censoring, more speech is better,” she said, pointing to X’s Community Notes tool as a better way to approach the issue.

But, she added, “the companies are entitled to do what they want — even if I think, from a philosophical perspective, censorship is not the right approach.”

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“All they keep getting is criticized,” Katie Harbath, a former policy director at Facebook, said of the tech platforms in an interview with【 - Free Day Trading Recommendations 】 last year. “I’m not saying they should get a pat on the back … but there comes a point in time where I think (Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg) and other CEOs are like, is this worth the investment?”

One of the social media industry’s chief antagonists was House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jim Jordan, who led a charge to prove social media platforms’ liberal bias,sending subpoenasto Big Tech companies and demanding their testimony about content moderation decisions.

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In August, Zuckerberg extended an olive branch to Jordan witha letteracknowledging that the Biden administration sometimes “pressured” Meta to remove Covid-19 content and that Zuckerberg regretted not pushing back harder.

House Republicans declared victory, saying the letter “admitted” the White House was out to censor Americans.

Other House Republicans have hauled tech leaders before Congress for uncomfortable hearings, further sending the message that well-intentioned efforts to protect America’s information spaces would be interpreted as bad-faith censorship.

In February 2023, House Oversight Committee Chairman James Comer, a Kentucky Republican,summoned former Twitter officialsto testify about their role in suppressing a New York Post article about Hunter Biden in the heat of the 2020 election.

Pointing to internal Twitter communications that Musk had selectively released to a sympathetic reporter, Comer alleged a “coordinated campaign” by social media and the US government to suppress the Hunter Biden story.

But the former Twitter officials testified then, andMusk’s leaks,his own lawyersandother court recordsalso showed, that what was made out to be a conspiracy to silence the New York Post was little more than internal confusion at Twitter.

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“After the House flipped to Republican control in 2022, the investigations began,” Renée DiResta, the observatory’s research director who was among those let go, wrote in aJune New York Times op-ed. “The investigations have led to threats and sustained harassment for researchers who find themselves the focus of congressional attention.”

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One of the conspiracy narratives that stands out this electoral cycle is a larger focus on claims about voting by noncitizens, said Danielle Lee Tomson, research manager for a Center for Informed Public at the University of Washington.

“Our ability to look at Facebook has been curtailed with CrowdTangle being shut down, so we don’t use that as much for our discovery work,” Tomson added, but “we study ads, we study TikTok, we study Telegram, we study the alt-platforms. … Changes breed creativity, and changes also create new research questions.”

Even though researchers are shifting their own tactics, Karpf said, the GOP pressure campaign still achieved its primary goal, which was to create the space for tech companies to give up on something they viewed as an inconvenience from the start.

“If Jim Jordan makes a lot of noise, then the platforms will decide, ‘Hey, why are we spending all this money just to get in trouble? Let’s not spend money.’ And that’s pretty much exactly what happened,” he said.

In October 2023, a few months after Jordan sent subpoenas to Meta, Google and other tech platforms, the longtime venture capitalist and Netscape co-founder Marc Andreessen published what he called “The Techno-Optimist Manifesto.”

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“We believe that there is no material problem — whether created by nature or by technology — that cannot be solved with more technology,” Andreessen wrote.

Blocking that progress are a range of “enemies,” he added, ticking them off on a list: Fears of existential risk (a likely reference to runaway artificial intelligence). Sustainability. Social responsibility. Trust and safety. Tech ethics. Risk management. Credentialed experts. Central planning.

By itself, the manifesto was little more than a restatement of the libertarian ethos that has long pervaded some corners of Silicon Valley. But the post’s true impact is reflected in its timing. It came at a moment when the public had grown more skeptical than ever of the tech industry’s promises, and at a time when a growing number of tech billionaires had grown tired of being blamed for the country’s problems.

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“We are non-partisan, one issue voters: If a candidate supports an optimistic technology-enabled future, we are for them. If they want to choke off important technologies, we are against them,” Horowitz wrote. “Every penny we donate will go to support like-minded candidates and oppose candidates who aim to kill America’s advanced technological future.”

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“It is interconnected,” said Alicia Wanless, director of the Information Environment Project at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “We are connected by the people we know, the ideas we hold, the groups we belong to, the places we go to, the technology we use, the content we consume. We’re part of communities, and these communities overlap. … They feed off of each other and react to each other.”

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