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Only 27, this man was a pastor on the rise. He had been asked to lead the local Black community in a boycott of the city’s racially segregated buses. But what was expected to be a symbolic boycott lasting only a few days turned into a 13-month battle that thrust him into the national spotlight.

He started receiving death threats from anonymous callers to his Montgomery, Alabama, home – as many as 40 a day.

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ButKing’s exampleprovides a way forward for progressives, say those who knew and study the civil rights leader. Even if you don’t believe in a deity and have never “been to the mountaintop,” King offers lessons in tactics and rhetoric to those who don’t subscribe to a MAGA vision of America.

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“Lamenting is part of justice,” says Tisby, author of “The Spirit of Justice: True Stories of Faith, Race and Resistance.”“I don’t think it is healthy as human beings to skip over the grief we feel over our nation and our democracy and jump straight into action. The first step is to feel your feelings.”

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Former Presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama also havedeclinedto attend Trump’s inaugural luncheon. (In 2021, Trump didn’t attend Biden’s inauguration after he falsely claimed the election was stolen.) We’ve entered the era of MAD politics — Mutually Assured Disdain.

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Best Stocks for Balanced Portfolio in India Stocks Set To Rise ✌️【Interview】✌️ Get precise stock market predictions and free access to real-time market data for efficient decision-making and portfolio growth. Trump tells his supporters that the left views them with contempt, and progressives don’t do enough to challenge that caricature. Leading Democrats have called Trump followers “deplorable”and “weird.” Some progressives have cut off contact with friends or family who support Trump. Many on the left have relentlessly vilified Trump for almost a decade, and it didn’t appear to move the needle among voters in 2024.

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“I urge you to meet people where they are,” Clinton said during a speech at the Democratic National Convention. “I urge you not to demean them, but not to pretend you don’t disagree with them if you do. Treat them with respect — just the way you’d like them to treat you.”

King didn’t need that kind of advice from Clinton. He lived it. Although he endured 13 years of unrelenting scrutiny, it is hard to find mention of King acting in a vindictive or petty way to his critics — even in his private life.

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But King rejected reducing social justice movements to “good versus evil” because of his faith and commitment to non-violence. Hesaid,“within the best of us, there is some evil, and within the worst of us, there is some good.”

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It means a significant number of Trump voters expressed egalitarian views on race at points in their lives, says powell, who spells his name in lowercase letters.

It’s common for progressives to describe Trump’s followers as irredeemable racists. One Columbia University law studentwrotelast November that in his academic community, “‘conservative’ or ‘Republican’ is shorthand for stupid, racist, or evil.”

“We see ourselves and our own groups in nuanced terms but tend to deny that complexity to other groups,” he writes.

King didn’t make that mistake, powell says. King was what powell calls a “consummate bridger,” someone who was willing to engage with White supremacists, segregationists, Black nationalists — anyone who criticized or despised him. He often listened without overtly trying to change the person’s mind, because he knew that if people felt you listened to them and respected them, you had a better chance to persuade them down the line.

“The MAGA movement and the response to it runs away from bridging,” powell says. “It runs into demonizing the other and seeing the other as two-dimensional figures because they don’t agree with you on some issues.”

Diane Nash, a civil rights activist who knew King, was a central figure of many of that movement’s most significant victories. She was a leader in both the sit-in movement and the Freedom Rides, a campaign to desegregate interstate bus travel. She says the nonviolent training she received taught her to not see her political opponents as the enemy.

“The goal is to solve problems and reconcile,” Nash says. “Not speaking to people or hating them is nonproductive.”

“He rejected making the civil rights movement a racial justice movement,”sayspowell, who is also the director of theOthering and Belonging Instituteat UC-Berkeley in California.

Other progressive groups have been burdened by that label.The Black Lives Matter movement gained enormous attention with its stand against police brutality. The groupsays its work“centers on those who have been marginalized in Black liberation movements.”

But the group’s name doesn’t help, says Taylor Branch, author of “Parting the Waters,” the Pulitzer Prize-winning biography of King.

“The title advertises its limitations. That’s pretty elementary,” Branch says. “But why do they matter to everybody?”

Best Stocks for Balanced Portfolio in India Stocks Set To Rise ✌️【Interview】✌️ Real-time global stock market trend analysis to help you identify profitable opportunities and improve your investment strategies. When a social movement is reduced to Black people seeking justice, it’s easier to provoke a backlash. That isn’t fair, but it exists because of anotherenduring dynamicthroughout American history: When Black people gain something, many White people think they automatically lose something in return. They see political struggle as winner-takes-all.

King was aware of that dynamic. He resisted any attempt to reduce the civil rights movement to Black racial grievance. The last campaign he organized, the “Poor People’s Campaign,” was an audacious plan to employ an interracial army of poor white, Black and brown people to occupy Washington. He opposed the Vietnam War and often argued that systemic racism also hurt White people andthreateneddemocracy.

“If you build a movement on grievance you’re playing on Trump’s turf,” Branch says. “He can out-grievance everyone.”

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“Dr. King loved America despite its many shortcomings and made it a personal rule to avoid the condemnation of White people and respect its democratic system,” says Puddington, a senior scholar emeritus atFreedom House,a nonprofit group that promotes democracy and human rights.

“Bayard Rustin often said that he (King) wasn’t interested in psychoanalyzing whites, but rather saw his job as building alliances across racial lines.”

King was known as a great public speaker, but one of his most significant achievements was his “Letter from Birmingham Jail.”The letter is revered not just for its eloquence but for the extraordinary circumstances surrounding its creation.

King wrote the letter while spending several days in solitary confinement in a dark, filthy, jail cell with no mattress in Birmingham, Alabama. Hewroteit on bits of balled-up newspapers and toilet tissue that he slipped to his lawyer.

Here’s a question to ponder: What if King had not written the letter in jail? What if he had tweeted it while sitting in his comfortable office with a bag of Cheetos? Or posted it on Instagram along with some dramatic gospel music?

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“So much of our direct action has been confined to hashtag activism,” Tisby says. “In the same ways civil rights activists did in the ‘50s and ‘60s, we have to consider getting arrested, doing sit-ins, kneel-ins, boycotting and making it known as our last resort if we want things to change.”

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“Let’s not jump right into Washington,” he says. “Let’s look around to our cities, towns and communities for ways that we can take action.”

In recent years, the limitations of hashtag activism have become more apparent. In a Jacobin magazine essay,Amber A’Lee Frostsays it’s difficult to point to tangible lasting victories by such popular movements as #OccupyWallStreet, #MeToo and BLM. She says online activism campaigns “die far too quickly on undemocratic platforms that are corporate-controlled and fleetingly faddish.”

“A desperate activist tweets,” Frostwrites. “An aspiring activist uses Facebook. A fledgling organizer emails. An established organizer has phone numbers. A successful organizer is offered addresses.”

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“I could not have done what I did without the people I was working with,” Nash says. “It’s foolhardy to think as an individual you’re going to go against the system. You have to do things as a group.”

People on the left might look at Trump being sworn in on Monday and think their efforts have failed.

But Nash offers another lesson in dealing with despair. The civil rights movement of the 1950s and ‘60s was filled with failures. Civil rights activists were assassinated, beaten, betrayed by friends, tortured in jail and disowned by their families.

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“People have died in large numbers fighting wars to preserve democracy,” she says. “We should not be so foolish as to think we can preserve it without making sacrifices, but it’s worth it.”

If Nash’s words aren’t inspiration enough, King said there’s another solution to despair. Hebelieved every social justice movement has “cosmic companionship”— that God, or some other force in the universe, is on the side of justice.

“I believe that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word,” Kingsaidduring his Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech in 1964. “That is why right temporarily defeated is stronger than evil triumphant.”

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“If we make success or failure of our justice work about the externals — a law gets passed, the policy gets changed, who we want gets in office — what happens when we lose?” Tisby tells 【 - Free Stock Market Strategy Classes 】. “How do you keep going? There has to be something deeper than that.”

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King prevailed against many of the challenges progressives face today, but with even less support — and while facing more violence and hatred, his biographer Branch says.

John Blake is a 【 - Free Stock Market Strategy Classes 】 senior writer and author ofthe award-winning memoir, “More Than I Imagined: What a Black Man Discovered About the White Mother He Never Knew.”

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